HTY 104

Outline Week 4

Showdown

Workers Models for Society:

KOL, Haymarket, AFL, Homestead, Pullman

 

Film: The River Ran Red

 

 

Intro: As industry consolidated and refined the corporate model, workers faced increasingly powerful and hostile adversaries. Industry's commitment to scientific mangement, control of the shop floor, rationalization of every facet of production and distribution, and control of the poliotical and economic machinery of the nation, workers made a desperate attempt to maintain the dignity, fair exchange, and autonomy of tradition labor relations. Farmers too turned to political organization to put their case forward to the nation. A complete consolidation of workers and farmers interests as a unified labor organization did not occur, but each mounted major challenges to the emerging corporate system.

 

            While the standard of living improved over the second half century, the cycles of depression and unemployment were brutal.  Coming off the Great Uprising of 1877 (the railroad strike), industrial employers were increasingly nervous about the prospects of unrest.  The national and state governments established armories and strengthened militias to prevent destruction of industrial property.  Industrialists also turned to private security forces, many provided by the Pinkerton Agency to break strikes and unions.  Newspapers portrayed strikers as radicals, Bolsheviks, communists, and so forth, usually in caricatured depictions to marginalize or refute their status as Americans.

 

            Likewise, workers confronted ongoing reorganization in the workplace that reduced their autonomy in their jobs and they found traditional skills reshaped by new mechanized processes and a division of their labor into unskilled components.  Corporations sought control. The key was to dispossess workers of their accumulated skills and knowledge of their craft.  This was generally done by dividing up tasks into their most basic constituent. The corporate conditions of work: division of labor, work rhythms dictated by time & motion studies, eventually resulting in assembly line production modes.

 

Combined frequent cycles of high unemployment and growing rates of immigrating workers discouraged worker solidarity and often translated into longer hours and less pay for those who did work.  Workers responded with new approaches to organizing in their own defense against the encroachments of the new industrial order.

 

            This week’s material will focus on workers’ ideas, principles, and responses to these challenges through a variety of efforts at collectivism in a number of union organizations and in direct actions against employers. 

 

The first Labor Day was celebrated in New York City on September 5, 1882.

 

Ideas:

            Traditional notion of moral economy: fair and just wages and prices.  An early modern conception that wages should be balanced with prices such that a working man could provide adequately for his family.  In Europe, peasants traditionally turned to the king if inequities became too burdensome.  For example, if the price of bread went too high, people would stage direct actions, like raiding the royal granaries.   In the 18th and into the 19th centuries, each craft had a guild which regulated rates, pay, and certified quality of work, but every master craftsman was independent. Masters and journeymen insured that wages for their trade remained adequate through their own control of the work process and the apprentice system. The workers controlled the transmission of skills and authority.

 

When traditional craft work was displaced by large scale operations, these safeguards fell away in America, and workers had to re-vision their position in the new industrial order.  The corporate vision revolved around creating efficiencies by implementing economies of scale, introducing machinery, and taking absolute control of production, which reduced the worker from the position as a skilled and independent artisan to a small cog in a big machine.  As the crafts workers guilds became obsolete in an industrial context, workers sought new ways to maintain their control over the way work was done, i.e. the pace and distribution of tasks, how much work constituted a fair day (the stint), and a fair rate of pay.

 

Some other sources for conceptions of the value of labor and socio-economic equity.

Henry George, Progress and Poverty, 1879—a proposal to tax unearned income, i.e. an assault on the huge accumulated fortunes.

Edward Bellamy, Looking Backward, 1888—a socialist vision of state owned industry administered for the common good.

 

 

Organizing labor: 

The first direction of laborers after the Civil War was toward broad, all inclusive collectives of workers.  The first union of Post-Civil-War America was of 1866 led by William. Sylvis.  It was something descended from the nineteenth-century utopian tradition. They called for broad, national reforms, e.g., the 8 hour day, producers' co-ops, and land distribution. The National Labor Union effort dissolved within just a few years, giving way to two models: 

1.  Traditional craft unions, whose members all had a common, specific skill (in the steel business: puddlers, heaters, rollers, hammermen, roll turners, picklers, wire drawers, spring makers, axel turners, etc, etc.; in construction: carpenters, joiners, masons, etc.; in railroading, engineers, brakemen, machinists, conductors, switch operators, telegraphers, etc.).  Craft unions could and did join in support of one another, occasionally creating what we call “amalgamated unions.”

2.  Industrial Unions were open to all workers in industry rather than a trade or skill.  This was a conception that arose in conjunction with the appearance of industrialization in America. The first and biggest industrial union was the Knights of Labor. Another example was the ARU (American Railway Union), also organized in broad-based industry wide fashion, not by craft.

 

 

The Knights of Labor

The Knights were the first industrial union with national scope.  The KOL sought to promote a unionism to embrace all workers, skilled and unskilled, in a single labor organization.  They were convinced that trade unionism, as it had been known, had to give way to labor organization on a much broader basis.

The Knights of Labor began as a secret society founded by nine inconspicuous tailors in Philadelphia on December 9, 1869 , based on the principle of the Brotherhood of Man. The year after the Great Railroad Strike, in 1878, under Terrence Powderly 's guidance, the KOL dropped the secret rituals and became a mainstream labor movement.  The groups joining the assembly included workers of many distinct crafts, e.g. garment cutters, ship carpenters, shawl weavers, masons, machinists and blacksmiths, house carpenters, tin plate and iron workers, stone cutters and gold beaters. Gradually they were joined in by miners, railway workers and steel workers in increasing numbers. Whenever there were not enough members of a single trade to form a trade assembly, especially in small towns and rural areas, the mixed assembly became a general catch all. Eventually, the mixed assemblies outnumbered the trade assemblies and with the inclusion of unskilled workers, the Knights became characterized by its comprehensive, inclusive approach to organizing.

The organization grew slowly during the hard years of the 1870s, but worker militancy rose toward the end of the decade, especially after the great railroad strike of 1877, and the Knights' membership rose with it, eventually exceeding 700,000 members. The KOL became truly national organization, and membership remained on an individual basis rather than through affiliated unions. Thus membership was open to all wage earners and to all former wage earners, with the exception of doctors, bankers and traders and manufacturers of liquor.  Unlike trade unions, the Knights' union was open to all workers in a given industry, regardless of trade. The Knights were also unusual in accepting workers of all skill levels and both sexes; blacks were included after 1883 (though in segregated locals). Women members came from textile, clothes, shoes, domestic, carpet, jute, and cigarette workers. However, the KOL strongly supported the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 and the Contract Labor Law of 1885; like many labor leaders at the time, Powderly believed these laws were needed to protect the American work force against competition from underpaid laborers imported by unscrupulous employers. 

 

From the Journal of United Labor, 1885:

 

We ask not your pity, we charity scorn,

We ask but the rights to which we were born,

For the flag of freedom has waved o’er the land,

We justice and equality claim and demand.

 

The KOL constitution set forth many of the traditional demands of organized labor and also added some new goals. It called for the 8-hour day, the establishment of cooperatives, the reservation of public lands for actual settlers and a fiat currency, prohibition of child labor, equal pay for the sexes, establishment of the bureau of labor statistics, abolition of contract system for prison labor, adoption of a graduated income tax, and government ownership of the railways and telegraphs.  They stressed organization, education, and political agitation as the best means to build a new society. They insisted that the existing economic system could only be changed peaceably, and this often led them to oppose strikes. Powderly believed in boycotts and arbitration, but he opposed strikes.  However, many spontaneous actions occurred, the most notable success against Jay Gould in 1885.

Powderly had only marginal control over the union membership, however, and a successful strike by the Knights against Jay Gould's southwestern railroad system in 1884 brought a flood of new members. By the beginning of 1886, membership peaked at over 750,000 Knights of Labor. But when the workers struck the Gould system again in the spring of 1886, they were badly beaten. Meanwhile, other members of the Knights participated—again, over Powderly's objections—in the general strike that began in Chicago on May 1, 1886. When a bomb explosion at a workers' rally in Haymarket Square May 4 triggered a national wave of arrests and repression, labor activism of every kind suffered a setback, and the Knights were particularly—though unfairly—singled out for blame.

Despite their progressive outlook their philosophy did not keep the powerful skilled workers and the militant labor leaders allegiant to the Order. And soon the rift surfaced. The members of the traditional trade unions became increasingly unwilling to link their fortunes with the weaker sections e.g. unskilled ones. The need for 'new unionism' evolved. By 1890, the membership had fallen to 100,000.  And eventually the KOL ceased to exist.

The Knights called for a cooperative commonwealth, government ownership of financial and transportation, but they were NOT socialists.  Maybe best described as a quixotic and “amorphous social movement of laboring people” (Licht, 178).   Leon Fink argues that Knights served a real and useful didactic function toward socializing a labor culture.

 

 

The strike that unraveled the KOL and the vision of universal labor solidarity:

 

Haymarket:  1886 also known as The McCormick strike—Bombing and Riot in Haymarket Square, Chicago.  

 

Albert Parsons and the Eight Hour Day.

            The work week for common wage workers was extremely grueling by our standards, running 10-12 hours per day and six or even seven days per week.  Parsons had testified to Congress that he advocated an eight hour day. He reasoned that employers would need to hire more people, and that would in turn reduce unemployment.  Workers would have more leverage.  Parsons also suggested making homesteading more widely available so that those who wished could vacate the industrial labor market and get into farming.  By 1886, Parsons was one of the preeminent labor radicals in Chicago.

The Haymarket affair began when a bomb exploded among a squad of policemen at a workers' rally in Haymarket Square, Chicago, on May 4, 1886.  It began as a May Day action, a traditional day for laborers to reaffirm their contracts for the coming year.  In Chicago since May 1, 1886 a loosely organized national strike for the eight-hour day had been gaining momentum. On May 3 strikers had come to the support of an already-existing strike at the McCormick Harvesting Machine Company; police had fired on the crowd and four people had been killed. The Haymarket rally, organized by a small anarchist group, was one of many called to protest the killings. Only thirteen hundred people attended, and most left when it began to rain. About three hundred remained when 180 police arrived and demanded that they disperse. Suddenly a bomb exploded among the policemen, killing one and wounding many more, including seven who died later. The police responded with wild gunfire, killing seven or eight people in the crowd and injuring about a hundred, half of them fellow officers.

The Haymarket bombing triggered a national wave of fear; public officials, civic leaders, the press, and some union leaders joined in equating foreign birth with anarchism and terror. In Chicago hundreds of socialists, anarchists, and other radicals were rounded up. Eight anarchists (all but one of them German immigrants) were indicted for conspiracy, though none was charged with throwing the bomb. After a conspicuously biased trial, seven were condemned to hang; the eighth was given a long prison sentence. The convictions were upheld in September 1887, and the executions set for November 11. On November 10 one of the condemned men, Louis Lingg, hanged himself; a few hours later, Governor Richard J. Oglesby commuted two of the men's sentences to life imprisonment. The remaining four, Albert Parsons, August Spies, Adolph Fischer, and George Engel, were executed on schedule.  On June 26, 1893, Governor John Peter Altgeld pardoned the three survivors, Samuel Fielden, Michael Schwab, and Oscar Neebe. This action, though applauded by many, was also widely criticized and probably contributed to Altgeld's defeat for reelection. The nativistic fear of immigrants and radicals aroused by Haymarket lingered for years, preparing the ground for further red scares in the future.

 

Rise of Samuel Gompers and the American Federation of Labor, 1886

 

Original affiliation w/ Knight of Labor, the departure of trade unionists contributed to precipitous demise of Knights after Haymarket.  Samuel Gompers, of Dutch-Jewish descent, an emigrant by way of London, was the guiding spirit of the American Federation of Labor. After the debacle at Haymarket, he moved to hold on to the gains of trade/craft unions and to legitimize them in the public eye by distancing them from industrial unionists, radicals, strikers, etc.  He focused on skilled workers because he thought they alone had the leverage to negotiate with employers. Compare brick layers and hod carriers.

 

Under Gompers, the AFL stance on labor negotiations was that federal power & force could rightly be used against “irresponsible” actions.  That position, disavowing radicals, linked recognition and legitimization of “responsible” craft unions and opened the way to the beginning of collective bargaining.

 

The AFL limited membership to skilled workers only, a hierarchy of status, accepting only highly skilled white male trade & craft  workers.  Ordinary laborers and unskilled workers were not recruited.  Depending on the affiliated union, women, blacks and immigrants were often not admitted, e.g. metal trades refused Blacks.  Other unions in the AFL were integrated, such as coalmining and longshoremen.

 

AFL Objectives:  emphasis on immediate and direct Bread & Butter issues, “pure and simple unionism, ” i.e. seek concessions that can be obtained in wages, hours, benefits;  avoidance of  wasteful idealist political activism.

 

The AFL represented approximately 10% of the labor force at its peak prior WWI.

 

Study question: What were the similarities and differences between the Knights of Labor and the American Federation of Labor?

 

Homestead: The River Ran Red

 

           Homestead-the mill town exemplifies the harshness of the industry of the era--lots of injuries, 12 hour days, hellish, staffed by 80% immigrants (14 m from 1860-1900).  The story epitomizes the excesses of the confrontation between management/capital and labor in the new industrial world. 

            Violent battle at Carnegie’s plant precipitated by Henry Clay Frick’s use of strikebreakers and Pinkertons; the demise of Amalgamated Iron Workers in bloody battle at Homestead.  Demonstrates resolve and power of corporate industrialists to resist labor movement.

 

Depression

In 1894, with as much as 15 % of the labor force out of work, Joseph Coxey’s led an army of unemployed men on a march to Washington to demand public works and paper money.  Demonstrates grass-roots economic crisis .

 

The Pullman Strike of 1894: The final nail for labor roganizers.

Eugene Debs jailed;  American Railway Union destroyed by President Grover Cleveland and Fed Troops.

 

 

The last best effort for a workers/agrarian vision.

 

The Agricultural Vision turns to Politics: the People’s Party, Populism, and silver.

           

Following the decline of the Granger movement, farmers sought relief through the vehicle of an organized political party of sufficient appeal to mount a national campaign. The party came to be known as the Populists. Their popularity was linked to the areas with worst debt ratio, the West, especially Kansas, Nebraska , Mountain states, etc. Farmers share of wealth declined from 30% to 20% of nation through decades of deflation.  The Populists were characterized by several ideas: anti-monopolism, collective action, government ownership, empowerment of the individual voter (direct elections, secret ballots, term limits, referendum/initiative, recall, direct primaries).  These ideas were translated into policy initiatives for the 1892 elections at a convention in Omaha.

 

1892  Omaha Platform

            Expanded money supply--purchase and minting of silver

            Graduated income tax

            New subtreasury system for agricultural credit

            Direct election of senators

            Call for nationalization of RRs, telegraphs.

            8 hour day

            Outlaw profession armies of strikebreakers (like Pinkertons)

 

Success: over 1 M votes in ’92, but no cigar.  They won a few state offices and regrouped for the next election cycle.

 

Bryan “the Commoner,  The election of 1896

 

On July 9, 1896, William Jennings Bryan caused a sensation at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago with his "cross of gold" speech denouncing supporters of the gold standard and calling for minting silver. Bryan went on to win the party's nomination.

 

            Co-opted by Democrats, William Jennings Bryan's presidential run failed, and the Populist Party did a fast fade.  The Republican William McKinley won, again confirming the national commitment to economic growth and support of the corporate vision.

 

Lasting impact of Populists: Consciousness raising of American public over social issues and the uneven relationship of individual with the large corporation.

 

Failure: They lacked organizational solidarity--too many independent farmers with different types of problems who ultimately failed to develop a mechanism to control production. The real key was that there was little appeal among non-farm workers or in the Democratic South. For example, expanding the money supply to raise prices on farm products was good for the farmers, but bad for wage workers who would have to pay higher prices. The narrow political focus on common denominator of expanded currency, the Silver currency project, undermined other progressive objectives and resulted in the demise of the party.

 

 

The vision of the urban and agrarian workers bows in defeat to the Corporate Social Vision.

 

Historian Leon Fink argues that Gilded Age unionizing efforts represented a significant attempt to fashion an alternative to corporate capitalism, with an emphasis on mutuality rather than the ethos of individualism.  For example, the KOL advocated open membership, including skilled and unskilled, women, blacks, barring only “non-producing” occupations like bankers, lawyers, liquor dealers.

However, the retreat of organized labor under Gompers' AFL banner signaled a transition to accommodation with management, and a retreat from industrial, broad based unionism. Skilled workers generally did well, moving into a middle class, while unskilled workers continued to struggle.

The signal result of three decades on contention between agricultural visions, workers visions, and corporate-industrial visions ends with a clear cut dominance of the corporate-engineered model for not only business, but with potentially broad social and political implications.

 

The Future: Fordism: A New Way of Doing Business

When the black Model T rolled out in 1908, it was hailed as America's Everyman car — elegant in its simplicity and a dream machine not just for engineers but for marketing men as well. Ford instituted industrial mass production, but what really mattered to him was mass consumption. He figured that if he paid his factory workers a real living wage and produced more cars in less time for less money, everyone would buy them.

Ford's vision would help create a middle class in the U.S., one marked by urbanization, rising wages and some free time in which to spend them. When Ford left the family farm at age 16 and walked eight miles to his first job in a Detroit machine shop, only 2 out of 8 Americans lived in the cities. By World War II the proportion of urban dwellers doubled, and the affordable Model T was one reason for it. People flocked to Detroit for jobs, and if they worked in one of Henry's factories, they could afford one of his cars — it was a virtuous circle, and he was the ringmaster. By the time production ceased for the Model T in 1927, more than 15 million cars had been sold — or half the world's output.

Frederick W. Taylor: So called "scientific management" became the model for business, for government, and even for the housewife. The corporate model of efficiency, productivity, and scientific analysis initiated and implemented by management, became the universal model for American society.

 

 

A Few questions

 

   ****Why did class struggle in America never emerge as a force for change?  

 

**** Why did labor-management relations grow increasingly strained during this period?  What was government’s role in abating or exacerbating these tensions?

 

**** How did industrialists such as Vanderbilt and Carnegie define “progress?”  How did workers and Populists define “progress?”  How did their visions of what constituted the “good society” differ?

 

1890s transition from isolation to internationalist:  Corporate visions guide foreign policy.

 

          In the 1890s the search for order infused American foreign policy much as it was formative to business ideologies.  They were actually already intertwined.  American state power not only deployed force to protect domestic industry from striking workers, but also began to take a more assertive position in protecting “U.S. interests” abroad.  The U.S. had claimed the Americas as their own sphere of influence since the 1823 Monroe Doctrine.  But as American business expanded more heavily into the Caribbean, Central and South America, the importance of protecting American investments grew.

          The second theme is a new interest in expanding U.S. markets by a projection of U.S. power.  America had spent most of the nineteenth century expanding within its own borders, but European powers had entered into a major phase of global colonization which effectively gave the colonial powers economic monopoly of the colonized peoples, excluding American business.  The National Association of Manufacturers was founded in 1895, and they forwarded the concept that if America could expand their markets, they could dampen the economic roller coaster of overexpansion and painful contraction.  In one sense it was an attempt to impose some order on the volatile economy.

 

Background of Expansion: 

1850s: filibusterers in Nicaragua; diplomatic feelers about Cuba;

1867 Alaska purchase;

A proposal for annexing Santo Domingo, rejected by the Senate 1870;

1880s:  President Arthur expands U.S. claims to a canal, exclusive claims to Hawaii, initiates Latin American conference for 1882; U.S. claims Samoa (versus Germany), Guam, Baker, and Wake Islands; President Cleveland intervenes in Venezuelan boundary crisis w/Eng;

1890s:  Naval build-up; U.S. takes control in Hawaii (Sugar Trust) after private Americans (haoles like Sanford Dole) ovethrew Queen Lili’uokalani; A prolonged Cuban civil war revealed Spain’s inability to maintain stability in Cuba and left an opening for U.S. intervention.

1900s: U.S. backs Panamanian revolt against Columbia and immediately signs Canal Treaty (1903); interventions in Nicaragua (1909-1933), Haiti (1915-1934), Dominican Republic (1916-1924).

 

These actions grow out of the American claim to hegemony in Western Hemisphere and the desire to secure a global presence as a major trade and military power.  Those ambitions translated into a key impetus to obtain Naval bases strategically located around the world. 

 

The way it worked: 

1) The logic of expansion of export markets as a counterweight to over-production.  

2) An emerging voice of Nationalism and American prestige saw American expansion as validation of American superiority. 

3) The rationalization of  the “white man’s burden” forwarded by Mahan, Lodge, Roosevelt provided a racial dimension to the mandate of American expansion in the world.

Eric Foner writes,”The Spanish-American War tied nationalism and American freedom ever more closely to notions of Anglo-Saxon superiority, displacing in part the earlier identification of the nation with democratic political institutions.”

 

The Spanish American War

Cuban revolutionaries (Jose Marti) appealed for American support in their war of liberation from Spain.  The jingoist press of William Randolph Hearst and Joseph Pulitzer played a key role in inciting popular sentiment in support of the Cuban revolution against their “decadent and corrupt” Spanish rulers.

The Administration decided to engage in a show of power and sent the Maine to Cuba, ostensibly to be ready to aid American sugar companies and their employees ($50M in railroads, sugar, mining) if things got out of control. The Maine’s destruction in Havana precipitates war with Spain; Admiral Dewey was directed to Manilla by Undersecretary Roosevelt; Spanish resistance crushed.

  

                     

The Maine entering Havana. On Feb. 15, 1898, the U.S. battleship Maine blew up in Havana Harbor, killing 260 crew members.

  hearst 1  

 hearst 2

Despite the certainty of hearst's headlines, the cause of the Maine's destruction has never been definitively proven. Naval historians generally agree that spontaneous combustion in the coal bunkers was the likely cause of the explosion.

 

America “liberated” Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines from Spain.  In the settlement the key issue to surface is the conflict between American domestic liberties and the exercise of power abroad.  The conundrum is that America does not want an infusion of non-white citizens, so what shall be the status of these new possessions.

 

President McKinley explains the White Man’s Burden in terms of divine guidance.

 

See typical ad that portrays others as "exotics" in contrast to Anglo-Saxons

 

The question frames the conflict between the assumption of Anglo Superiority and the limitations of assimilation of other races; if assimilation is not feasible,  America must choose whether to become an imperialist nation with subordinate peoples.  The answer was easy, that is, Anglo-Saxon Americans had proven their ability to establish liberty and self-government, and now it was their responsibility to spread these institutions and values to the world.  The domination of non-white peoples by whites was part of the progress of civilization.

 

McKinley--Anti-Imperialists battle over Phillipines which is beset by horrendous civil war and long term guerilla resistance (Emilio Aguinaldo).  The U.S. acquiesces to the acquisition of Puerto Rico, but not an extension of citizenship.  The Platt Amendment extended protectorate status to Cuba (temporary); codifies Monroe Doctrine.

 

Looking East:

McKinley’s Secretary of State John Hays articulated a major foreign policy doctrine known as the “Open Door” Policy.  It was precipitated by events in China, as the great powers of Europe jockeyed for spheres of influence in China.  America was not strong enough to force its way into China against Britain, France, and Germany, so Hays successfully persuaded Europeans to accept a policy toward China that agreed to principles of equal access to trade and investment in China and respect China’s territorial integrity.   The policy was accepted only after America contributed gunships to quell the Boxer Rebellion.

 

TRs policy record: Foreign Policy Moves (see Sears ad)

          Roosevelt steered the United States more actively into world politics. He liked to quote a favorite proverb, "Speak softly and carry a big stick. . . . "  Aware of the strategic need for a shortcut between the Atlantic and Pacific, Roosevelt ensured the construction of the Panama Canal. His corollary to the Monroe Doctrine prevented the establishment of foreign bases in the Caribbean and arrogated the sole right of intervention in Latin America to the United States. He won the Nobel Peace Prize for mediating the Russo-Japanese War, reached a Gentleman's Agreement on immigration with Japan, and sent the Great White Fleet on a goodwill tour of the world.

 

Note: TR’s intervention in Santo Domingo to protect U.S. shipping and banking, and prevent European claimants from justifying intervention, expands claims in Monroe Doctrine.  Dominican Republic-1905 customs intervention--protectorate status imposed, 1915-24; Intervention in Haiti, 1915; Guatamala and Nicaragua, 1912--interest in possible canal site, imposed protectorate status.