HTY 104
Outline Week 4
Showdown
Workers Models for Society:
KOL, Haymarket, AFL, Homestead, Pullman
Film: The River Ran
Red
Intro: As industry consolidated and refined the corporate model, workers faced
increasingly powerful and hostile adversaries. Industry's commitment to
scientific mangement, control of the shop floor, rationalization of every facet
of production and distribution, and control of the poliotical and economic
machinery of the nation, workers made a desperate attempt to maintain the
dignity, fair exchange, and autonomy of tradition labor relations. Farmers too
turned to political organization to put their case forward to the nation. A
complete consolidation of workers and farmers interests as a unified labor organization did not occur, but
each mounted major challenges to the emerging corporate system.
While the standard of living
improved over the second half century, the cycles
of depression and unemployment were brutal.
Coming off the Great Uprising of 1877 (the railroad strike), industrial
employers were increasingly nervous about the prospects of unrest. The national and state governments
established armories and strengthened militias to prevent destruction of
industrial property. Industrialists also
turned to private security forces, many provided by the Pinkerton Agency to
break strikes and unions. Newspapers
portrayed strikers as radicals, Bolsheviks, communists, and so forth, usually
in caricatured depictions to marginalize or refute their status as Americans.
Likewise, workers confronted ongoing
reorganization in the workplace that reduced their autonomy in their jobs and
they found traditional skills reshaped by new mechanized processes and a division
of their labor into unskilled components.
Corporations sought control. The key was to dispossess workers of their
accumulated skills and knowledge of their craft. This was generally done by dividing up tasks
into their most basic constituent. The corporate conditions of work: division
of labor, work rhythms dictated by time & motion studies, eventually
resulting in assembly line production modes.
Combined frequent cycles of high unemployment and growing rates of
immigrating workers discouraged worker solidarity and often translated into
longer hours and less pay for those who did work. Workers responded with new approaches to
organizing in their own defense against the encroachments of the new industrial
order.
This week’s material will focus on
workers’ ideas, principles, and responses to these challenges through a variety of efforts at
collectivism in a number of union organizations and in direct actions against
employers.
The first Labor Day
was celebrated in New York City on September 5, 1882.
Ideas:
Traditional notion of moral economy:
fair and just wages and prices. An early modern conception that wages should be balanced with
prices such that a working man could provide adequately for his family. In Europe,
peasants traditionally turned to the king if inequities became too
burdensome. For example, if the price of
bread went too high, people would stage direct actions, like raiding the royal
granaries. In the 18th and
into the 19th centuries, each craft had a guild which regulated
rates, pay, and certified quality of work, but every master craftsman was
independent. Masters and journeymen insured that wages for their trade remained
adequate through their own control of the work process and the apprentice
system. The workers controlled the transmission of skills and authority.
When traditional craft work was displaced by large scale operations,
these safeguards fell away in America, and workers had to re-vision their position
in the new industrial order. The
corporate vision revolved around creating efficiencies by implementing
economies of scale, introducing machinery, and taking absolute control of
production, which reduced the worker from the position as a skilled and
independent artisan to a small cog in a big machine. As the crafts workers guilds became obsolete
in an industrial context, workers sought new ways to maintain their control
over the way work was done, i.e. the pace and distribution of tasks, how much
work constituted a fair day (the stint), and a fair rate of pay.
Some other sources
for conceptions of the value of labor and socio-economic equity.
Henry George, Progress and
Poverty, 1879—a proposal to tax unearned income, i.e. an assault on the huge
accumulated fortunes.
Edward Bellamy, Looking Backward,
1888—a socialist vision of state owned industry administered for the common
good.
Organizing labor:
The first direction of laborers after the Civil War was toward broad,
all inclusive collectives of workers.
The first union of Post-Civil-War America was of 1866 led by William. Sylvis. It was something descended from the
nineteenth-century utopian tradition. They called for broad, national reforms,
e.g., the 8 hour day, producers' co-ops, and land
distribution. The National Labor Union effort dissolved within just a few
years, giving way to two models:
1. Traditional craft unions, whose members all had a
common, specific skill (in the steel business: puddlers,
heaters, rollers, hammermen, roll turners, picklers, wire drawers, spring makers, axel turners, etc,
etc.; in construction: carpenters, joiners, masons, etc.; in railroading,
engineers, brakemen, machinists, conductors, switch operators, telegraphers,
etc.). Craft unions could and did join
in support of one another, occasionally creating what we call “amalgamated
unions.”
2. Industrial
Unions were open to all
workers in industry rather than a trade or skill. This was a conception that arose in
conjunction with the appearance of industrialization in America. The first and biggest industrial union was
the Knights of Labor. Another example was the ARU (American Railway Union),
also organized in broad-based industry wide fashion, not by craft.
The Knights of Labor
The Knights were the first industrial union with national scope. The KOL sought to promote a unionism to
embrace all workers, skilled and unskilled, in a single labor
organization. They were convinced that trade unionism, as it had been
known, had to give way to labor organization on a much broader basis.
The Knights of Labor began as a secret society founded by nine inconspicuous tailors in
Philadelphia
on
December 9, 1869
, based on the principle of
the Brotherhood of Man. The year after the Great Railroad Strike, in 1878, under Terrence
Powderly 's guidance, the KOL dropped the secret rituals and
became a mainstream labor movement. The
groups joining the assembly included workers of many distinct crafts, e.g. garment
cutters, ship carpenters, shawl weavers, masons, machinists and blacksmiths,
house carpenters, tin plate and iron workers, stone cutters and gold beaters.
Gradually they were joined in by miners, railway workers and steel workers in
increasing numbers. Whenever there were not enough members of a single trade to
form a trade assembly, especially in small towns and rural areas, the mixed
assembly became a general catch all. Eventually, the mixed assemblies
outnumbered the trade assemblies and with the inclusion of unskilled workers,
the Knights became characterized by its comprehensive, inclusive approach to organizing.
The organization grew
slowly during the hard years of the 1870s, but worker militancy rose toward the
end of the decade, especially after the great railroad strike of 1877, and the
Knights' membership rose with it, eventually exceeding 700,000 members. The
KOL became truly national organization, and membership remained
on an individual basis rather than through affiliated unions. Thus membership
was open to all wage earners and to all former wage earners, with the
exception of doctors, bankers and traders and manufacturers of liquor. Unlike trade unions, the Knights' union was open to all workers in a given industry, regardless
of trade. The Knights were also unusual in accepting workers of all skill
levels and both sexes; blacks were included after 1883 (though in segregated locals).
Women members came from textile, clothes, shoes, domestic, carpet, jute, and
cigarette workers.
However, the KOL strongly supported the Chinese Exclusion
Act of 1882 and the Contract Labor Law of 1885; like many labor leaders at
the time, Powderly believed these laws were needed
to protect the American work force against competition from underpaid laborers
imported by unscrupulous employers.
From the Journal of United Labor,
1885:
We ask not your pity, we charity scorn,
We ask but the rights to which we were born,
For the flag of freedom has waved o’er the land,
We justice and equality claim and demand.
The KOL constitution
set forth many of the traditional demands of organized labor and also added
some new goals. It called for the 8-hour day, the establishment of cooperatives,
the reservation of public lands for actual settlers and a fiat currency,
prohibition of child labor, equal pay for the sexes, establishment of the
bureau of labor statistics, abolition of contract system for prison labor,
adoption of a graduated income tax, and government ownership of the railways
and telegraphs. They stressed organization,
education, and political agitation as the best means to build a new society.
They insisted that the existing economic system could only be changed peaceably,
and this often led them to oppose strikes. Powderly believed in boycotts and arbitration, but he opposed
strikes. However, many spontaneous
actions occurred, the most notable success against Jay Gould in 1885.
Powderly had only marginal control over the union membership, however, and a
successful strike by the Knights against Jay Gould's southwestern railroad
system in 1884 brought a flood of new members. By the beginning of 1886,
membership peaked at over 750,000 Knights of Labor. But when
the workers struck the Gould system again in the spring of 1886, they were
badly beaten. Meanwhile, other members of the Knights participated—again, over Powderly's objections—in the general strike that began in
Chicago on May 1, 1886. When a bomb explosion at a workers' rally
in Haymarket
Square
May 4 triggered a national wave of arrests and repression, labor activism of
every kind suffered a setback, and the Knights were particularly—though
unfairly—singled out for blame.
Despite their progressive outlook their philosophy did not keep the
powerful skilled workers and the militant labor leaders allegiant to the Order.
And soon the rift surfaced. The members of the traditional trade unions became
increasingly unwilling to link their fortunes with the weaker sections e.g.
unskilled ones. The need for 'new unionism' evolved. By 1890, the membership
had fallen to 100,000. And eventually
the KOL ceased to exist.
The Knights called for a cooperative
commonwealth, government ownership of financial and transportation, but they
were NOT socialists. Maybe best
described as a quixotic and “amorphous social movement of laboring people” (Licht, 178). Leon
Fink argues that Knights served a real and useful didactic function toward
socializing a labor culture.
The strike that unraveled the
KOL and the vision of universal labor solidarity:
Haymarket: 1886 also known as The
McCormick strike—Bombing and Riot in Haymarket Square, Chicago.
Albert Parsons and the Eight Hour Day.
The work week for common wage
workers was extremely grueling by our standards, running 10-12 hours per day
and six or even seven days per week.
Parsons had testified to Congress that he advocated an eight hour day. He
reasoned that employers would need to hire more people, and that would in turn
reduce unemployment. Workers would have
more leverage. Parsons also suggested
making homesteading more widely available so that those who wished could vacate
the industrial labor market and get into farming. By 1886, Parsons was one of the preeminent
labor radicals in Chicago.
The Haymarket affair began when a bomb exploded among a squad of
policemen at a workers' rally in Haymarket Square, Chicago, on May 4, 1886. It
began as a May Day action, a traditional day for laborers to reaffirm their
contracts for the coming year. In Chicago since May 1, 1886 a loosely organized national strike for the
eight-hour day had been gaining momentum. On May 3 strikers had come to the support
of an already-existing strike at the McCormick Harvesting Machine Company;
police had fired on the crowd and four people had been killed. The Haymarket
rally, organized by a small anarchist group, was one of many called to protest
the killings. Only thirteen hundred people attended, and most left when it
began to rain. About three hundred remained when 180 police arrived and
demanded that they disperse. Suddenly a bomb exploded among the policemen,
killing one and wounding many more, including seven who died later. The police
responded with wild gunfire, killing seven or eight people in the crowd and
injuring about a hundred, half of them fellow officers.
The Haymarket bombing triggered a national wave of
fear; public officials, civic leaders, the press, and some union leaders joined
in equating foreign birth with anarchism and terror. In Chicago
hundreds of socialists, anarchists, and other radicals were rounded up. Eight
anarchists (all but one of them German immigrants) were indicted for
conspiracy, though none was charged with throwing the bomb. After a
conspicuously biased trial, seven were condemned to hang; the eighth was given
a long prison sentence. The convictions were upheld in September 1887, and the
executions set for November 11. On November 10 one of the condemned men, Louis Lingg, hanged himself; a few hours later, Governor Richard
J. Oglesby commuted two of the men's sentences to life imprisonment. The
remaining four, Albert Parsons, August Spies, Adolph Fischer, and George Engel,
were executed on schedule. On June 26, 1893, Governor John Peter Altgeld pardoned the three survivors, Samuel Fielden, Michael Schwab, and Oscar Neebe.
This action, though applauded by many, was also widely criticized and probably
contributed to Altgeld's defeat for reelection. The nativistic fear of immigrants and
radicals aroused by Haymarket lingered for years, preparing the ground for
further red scares in the future.
Rise of Samuel Gompers
and the American Federation of Labor, 1886
Original
affiliation w/ Knight of Labor, the departure of trade unionists contributed to
precipitous demise of Knights after Haymarket.
Samuel
Gompers, of Dutch-Jewish descent, an emigrant by
way of London, was the guiding spirit of the American Federation of Labor.
After the debacle at Haymarket, he moved to hold on to the gains of trade/craft
unions and to legitimize them in the public eye by distancing them from
industrial unionists, radicals, strikers, etc.
He focused on skilled workers because he thought they alone had the
leverage to negotiate with employers. Compare brick layers and hod carriers.
Under
Gompers, the AFL stance on labor negotiations was that federal power &
force could rightly be used against “irresponsible” actions. That position, disavowing radicals, linked
recognition and legitimization of “responsible” craft unions and opened the way
to the beginning of collective bargaining.
The AFL
limited membership to skilled workers only, a hierarchy of status, accepting
only highly skilled white male trade & craft workers. Ordinary laborers and unskilled workers were
not recruited. Depending on the
affiliated union, women, blacks and immigrants were often not admitted, e.g.
metal trades refused Blacks. Other
unions in the AFL were integrated, such as coalmining and longshoremen.
AFL
Objectives: emphasis on immediate and
direct Bread & Butter issues, “pure and simple unionism, ” i.e. seek
concessions that can be obtained in wages, hours, benefits; avoidance of
wasteful idealist political activism.
The AFL
represented approximately 10% of the labor force at its peak prior WWI.
Study question: What were the similarities and
differences between the Knights of Labor and the American Federation of Labor?
Homestead: The River Ran Red
Homestead-the mill
town exemplifies the harshness of the industry of the era--lots of
injuries, 12 hour days, hellish, staffed by 80% immigrants (14 m from
1860-1900). The story epitomizes the
excesses of the confrontation between management/capital and labor in the new
industrial world.
Violent battle at Carnegie’s plant
precipitated by Henry Clay Frick’s use of strikebreakers and Pinkertons;
the demise of Amalgamated Iron Workers in bloody battle at
Homestead. Demonstrates resolve and
power of corporate industrialists to resist labor movement.
Depression
In 1894,
with as much as 15 % of the labor force out of work, Joseph Coxey’s
led an army of unemployed men on a march to
Washington
to
demand public works and paper money. Demonstrates grass-roots economic crisis
.
The
Pullman
Strike of 1894: The final nail for labor roganizers.
Eugene Debs jailed; American Railway
Union destroyed by President Grover Cleveland and Fed Troops.
The last best effort for a
workers/agrarian vision.
The Agricultural Vision turns to Politics:
the People’s Party, Populism, and silver.
Following the
decline of the Granger movement, farmers sought relief through the vehicle of
an organized political party of sufficient appeal to mount a national campaign.
The party came to be known as the Populists. Their popularity was linked to the
areas with worst debt ratio, the West, especially Kansas, Nebraska
, Mountain states, etc. Farmers share of
wealth declined from 30% to 20% of nation through decades of deflation. The Populists were characterized by several
ideas: anti-monopolism, collective action, government
ownership, empowerment of the individual voter (direct elections, secret
ballots, term limits, referendum/initiative, recall, direct primaries). These ideas were translated into policy
initiatives for the 1892 elections at a convention in
Omaha.
1892 Omaha Platform
Expanded money supply--purchase and
minting of silver
Graduated income tax
New subtreasury
system for agricultural credit
Direct election of senators
Call for nationalization of RRs, telegraphs.
8 hour day
Outlaw profession armies of
strikebreakers (like Pinkertons)
Success: over 1 M
votes in ’92, but no cigar. They won
a few state offices and regrouped for the next election cycle.
Bryan “the Commoner,” The election of 1896
On July 9, 1896, William Jennings Bryan caused a sensation
at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago with his "cross of
gold" speech denouncing supporters of the gold standard and calling for minting silver. Bryan went on to
win the party's nomination.
Co-opted by Democrats, William
Jennings Bryan's presidential run failed, and the Populist Party did a fast
fade. The Republican William McKinley
won, again confirming the national commitment to economic growth and support of
the corporate vision.
Lasting impact of
Populists: Consciousness raising of American public
over social issues and the uneven relationship of individual with the large
corporation.
Failure: They lacked
organizational solidarity--too many independent farmers with different types of
problems who ultimately failed to develop a mechanism to control production.
The real key was that there was little appeal among non-farm workers or in the Democratic South. For example, expanding the money supply to raise prices on farm products was good for the farmers, but bad for wage workers who would have to pay higher prices. The
narrow political focus on common denominator of expanded currency, the Silver
currency project, undermined other progressive objectives and resulted in the
demise of the party.
The vision of the urban
and agrarian workers bows in defeat to the Corporate Social Vision.
Historian Leon Fink
argues that Gilded Age unionizing efforts represented a significant attempt
to fashion an alternative to corporate capitalism, with an emphasis on mutuality
rather than the ethos of individualism. For example, the KOL advocated open membership,
including skilled and unskilled, women, blacks, barring only “non-producing”
occupations like bankers, lawyers, liquor dealers.
However,
the retreat of organized labor under Gompers' AFL banner signaled a transition
to accommodation with management, and a retreat from industrial, broad based
unionism. Skilled workers generally did well, moving into a middle class,
while unskilled workers continued to struggle.
The
signal result of three decades on contention between agricultural visions,
workers visions, and corporate-industrial visions ends with a clear cut
dominance of the corporate-engineered model for not only business, but with
potentially broad social and political implications.
The Future: Fordism:
A New Way of Doing Business
When the black Model T rolled out in 1908, it was hailed as America's
Everyman car — elegant in its simplicity and a dream machine not just for
engineers but for marketing men as well. Ford instituted industrial mass production, but what
really mattered to him was mass consumption. He figured that if he paid his
factory workers a real living wage and produced more cars in less time for
less money, everyone would buy them.
Ford's vision would help create a middle class in the U.S.,
one marked by urbanization, rising wages and some free time in which to spend
them. When Ford left the family farm at age 16 and walked eight miles to his
first job in a Detroit
machine
shop, only 2 out of 8 Americans lived in the cities. By World War II the
proportion of urban dwellers doubled, and the affordable Model T was one reason for it. People
flocked to
Detroit
for jobs, and if
they worked in one of Henry's factories, they could afford one of his cars —
it was a virtuous circle, and he was the ringmaster. By the time production
ceased for the Model T in 1927, more than 15 million cars had been sold — or
half the world's output.
Frederick W. Taylor: So called "scientific management"
became the model for business, for government, and even for the housewife. The
corporate model of efficiency, productivity, and scientific analysis initiated
and implemented by management, became the universal model for American society.
A Few questions
****Why
did class struggle in America never emerge as a force for change?
****
Why did labor-management relations grow increasingly strained during this
period? What was government’s role in abating or exacerbating these
tensions?
****
How did industrialists such as Vanderbilt and Carnegie define “progress?”
How did workers and Populists define “progress?” How did their visions of
what constituted the “good society” differ?
1890s transition from isolation to
internationalist: Corporate visions
guide foreign policy.
In the 1890s the search for order infused American foreign
policy much as it was formative to business ideologies. They were actually already intertwined. American state power not only deployed force
to protect domestic industry from striking workers, but also began to take a
more assertive position in protecting “U.S. interests” abroad.
The U.S. had claimed the Americas as their own sphere of influence since the 1823
Monroe Doctrine. But as American
business expanded more heavily into the Caribbean, Central and South
America, the importance of
protecting American investments grew.
The second theme is a new interest in expanding U.S. markets by a projection of U.S. power. America had spent most of the nineteenth century expanding
within its own borders, but European powers had entered into a major phase of
global colonization which effectively gave the colonial powers economic
monopoly of the colonized peoples, excluding American business. The National Association of Manufacturers was
founded in 1895, and they forwarded the concept that if America could expand their markets, they could dampen the
economic roller coaster of overexpansion and painful contraction. In one sense it was an attempt to impose some
order on the volatile economy.
Background of Expansion:
1850s: filibusterers in Nicaragua;
diplomatic feelers about Cuba;
1867 Alaska
purchase;
A proposal for annexing Santo
Domingo, rejected by the Senate 1870;
1880s:
President Arthur expands U.S. claims to a canal, exclusive claims to
Hawaii, initiates Latin American conference for 1882; U.S. claims Samoa (versus
Germany), Guam, Baker, and Wake Islands; President Cleveland intervenes in
Venezuelan boundary crisis w/Eng;
1890s: Naval
build-up; U.S. takes control in Hawaii (Sugar Trust) after private Americans (haoles like Sanford Dole) ovethrew
Queen Lili’uokalani; A prolonged Cuban civil war
revealed Spain’s inability to maintain stability in Cuba and left an opening
for U.S. intervention.
1900s: U.S. backs
Panamanian revolt against Columbia and
immediately signs Canal Treaty (1903); interventions in Nicaragua
(1909-1933), Haiti
(1915-1934), Dominican Republic
(1916-1924).
These actions grow out of the American claim to
hegemony in Western Hemisphere and the
desire to secure a global presence as a major trade and military power. Those ambitions translated into a key impetus
to obtain Naval bases strategically located around the
world.
The way it worked:
1) The logic of expansion of export
markets as a counterweight to over-production.
2) An emerging voice of Nationalism and American prestige saw American
expansion as validation of American superiority.
3) The rationalization of the “white man’s burden” forwarded by
Mahan, Lodge, Roosevelt provided a racial dimension to the mandate of American
expansion in the world.
Eric Foner
writes,”The Spanish-American War tied nationalism and
American freedom ever more closely to notions of Anglo-Saxon superiority,
displacing in part the earlier identification of the nation with democratic
political institutions.”
The Spanish American War
Cuban revolutionaries (Jose
Marti) appealed for American support in their war of liberation from Spain. The jingoist
press of William Randolph Hearst and Joseph Pulitzer played a key role in
inciting popular sentiment in support of the Cuban revolution against their
“decadent and corrupt” Spanish rulers.
The
Administration decided to engage in a show of power and sent the Maine to Cuba, ostensibly to be ready to
aid American sugar companies and their employees ($50M in railroads, sugar, mining) if things got
out of control. The Maine’s
destruction in
Havana
precipitates war with Spain; Admiral
Dewey was directed to Manilla by Undersecretary
Roosevelt; Spanish resistance crushed.
The Maine entering Havana. On Feb.
15, 1898, the U.S. battleship Maine blew up in Havana Harbor, killing 260 crew
members.

Despite the certainty of hearst's headlines, the cause of the Maine's destruction has never been definitively proven. Naval historians generally agree that spontaneous combustion in the coal bunkers was the likely cause of the explosion.
America “liberated” Cuba, Puerto
Rico, and the Philippines from Spain. In the settlement
the key issue to surface is the conflict between American domestic liberties
and the exercise of power abroad. The
conundrum is that America does not want an infusion of non-white citizens, so
what shall be the status of these new possessions.
President McKinley explains
the White Man’s Burden in terms of divine
guidance.
See typical ad that
portrays others as "exotics" in contrast
to Anglo-Saxons
The question frames the conflict
between the assumption of Anglo Superiority and the limitations of assimilation
of other races; if assimilation is not feasible, America must choose whether to become an imperialist nation
with subordinate peoples. The answer
was easy, that is, Anglo-Saxon Americans had proven their ability to establish
liberty and self-government, and now it was their responsibility to spread
these institutions and values to the world.
The
domination of non-white peoples by whites was part of the progress of civilization.
McKinley--Anti-Imperialists
battle over Phillipines which is beset by horrendous
civil war and long term guerilla resistance (Emilio Aguinaldo). The U.S. acquiesces to the acquisition of
Puerto Rico, but not an extension of
citizenship. The Platt Amendment
extended protectorate status to Cuba (temporary); codifies Monroe
Doctrine.
Looking East:
McKinley’s
Secretary of State John Hays articulated a major foreign policy doctrine known
as the “Open Door” Policy. It was
precipitated by events in China, as
the great powers of Europe
jockeyed for spheres of influence in China. America was
not strong enough to force its way into China
against Britain, France, and Germany, so
Hays successfully persuaded Europeans to accept a policy toward China that
agreed to principles of equal access to trade and investment in China and
respect China’s
territorial integrity. The policy was
accepted only after America
contributed gunships to quell the Boxer Rebellion.
TRs policy record: Foreign
Policy Moves (see
Sears ad)
Roosevelt steered the United States more actively into world
politics. He liked to quote a favorite proverb, "Speak softly and carry a
big stick. . . . " Aware of the strategic need for a shortcut
between the Atlantic and Pacific, Roosevelt ensured the construction of the Panama
Canal. His corollary to the Monroe Doctrine prevented the establishment of
foreign bases in the
Caribbean and arrogated the sole right of intervention
in Latin
America to the United States. He won the Nobel Peace
Prize for mediating the Russo-Japanese War, reached a Gentleman's Agreement on
immigration with Japan, and sent the Great White
Fleet on a goodwill tour of the world.
Note: TR’s intervention in
Santo Domingo to
protect U.S. shipping
and banking, and prevent European claimants from justifying intervention,
expands claims in Monroe Doctrine.
Dominican Republic-1905 customs intervention--protectorate status
imposed, 1915-24; Intervention in Haiti, 1915; Guatamala and Nicaragua,
1912--interest in possible canal site, imposed protectorate status.